President Donald Trump has said the United States will sell advanced F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia, signalling a major shift in Washington’s approach to sharing its most sophisticated combat aircraft with the kingdom and opening a fresh debate in Congress over security, regional balance and human rights.

Speaking to reporters in the Oval Office ahead of a White House meeting on Tuesday with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Mr Trump said Riyadh had long sought access to the aircraft and that he was prepared to approve the deal. “We will be doing that, we’ll be selling F-35s,” he said, describing Saudi Arabia as “a great ally”.

The proposed sale, reportedly involving 48 aircraft, would mark the first time Saudi Arabia has been cleared to acquire the F-35, a fifth-generation stealth multirole fighter produced by Lockheed Martin. The programme has become the backbone of US and allied air power, with around 20 countries either operating or on order for the jet. Recent contracts place the unit price at roughly $80 million to $110 million per aircraft, depending on the variant, although lifetime sustainment costs are far higher than initially projected. A 2024 report by the Government Accountability Office warned that operating and maintaining the global fleet will significantly exceed earlier estimates.

Saudi Arabia is already the largest purchaser of US weaponry, and successive administrations have regarded arms sales as a pillar of the bilateral relationship and a tool for deterring Iran. In 2019, during Mr Trump’s first term, the administration invoked emergency authorities to push through an $8.1 billion package of precision-guided munitions and other systems for Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, bypassing congressional review. Congress later passed bipartisan resolutions to block elements of that sale, but Mr Trump vetoed them and the weapons proceeded.

This latest proposal, however, involves technology of a different order. According to a Defence Intelligence Agency assessment circulated within the Pentagon, officials are concerned that a Saudi F-35 fleet could create an avenue for China to gain access to sensitive software or design data, given growing security and defence co-operation between Riyadh and Beijing. The report warns that Chinese technicians or systems could be embedded in Saudi infrastructure in ways that increase the risk of espionage against the aircraft.

There is also a regional dimension. Israel is currently the only state in the Middle East operating the F-35, in line with Washington’s long-standing commitment to preserve Israel’s “qualitative military edge” (QME) – a legal requirement under US law that Israel must retain a superior capability over potential adversaries. Members of Congress and pro-Israel groups have already signalled that any sale of F-35s to Saudi Arabia will be examined in light of that obligation.

Before the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 and the subsequent war in Gaza, the previous administration had explored a broader package with Riyadh, including a potential mutual defence pact, assistance with a civilian nuclear programme and steps towards normalisation with Israel. Those talks stalled amid regional anger over the conflict. US officials now indicate that the F-35 decision has not been explicitly tied to Saudi-Israeli normalisation, a separation that is likely to draw scrutiny from some Republicans as well as Democrats on Capitol Hill.

Under US law, Congress will have a formal opportunity to review and, in theory, block the sale once the administration submits a notification. Lawmakers can introduce resolutions of disapproval to halt or condition major arms transfers. In practice, such efforts rarely succeed unless they command broad bipartisan support and overcome a presidential veto. Past attempts to restrict arms sales to Saudi Arabia over the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 and the conduct of the air campaign in Yemen failed after Mr Trump opposed them.

Democratic legislators are expected to raise similar objections this time, citing Riyadh’s human rights record and the risk that advanced aircraft could be used in future regional operations. Some Republicans, while generally supportive of closer security ties with the kingdom as a counterweight to Iran, have expressed unease about moving ahead with an F-35 package without parallel Saudi steps towards recognition of Israel and stronger assurances on technology protection.

The broader arms control community is likely to focus on the implications for non-proliferation of high-end stealth technology. The F-35’s sensor fusion, electronic warfare suite and low observable design are regarded in Washington as central to the US military’s advantage over peer competitors. Analysts have repeatedly warned about the risk of sensitive systems being compromised through cyber intrusion, industrial espionage or inadequate safeguards at partner facilities.

Mr Trump, for his part, has framed the prospective deal in terms of alliance management and domestic economic benefit. The F-35 line supports tens of thousands of jobs across the United States, and the manufacturer currently turns out between 150 and 190 aircraft a year for US and allied customers. Additional Saudi orders would extend the production run and spread fixed costs across a larger fleet.

Any agreement will still have to pass a series of technical and political hurdles, including end-use monitoring arrangements, basing and maintenance plans, and assurances to Israel regarding its own capabilities. For now, Mr Trump’s public endorsement signals that the White House is prepared to test both congressional patience and the limits of existing policy on advanced weapons transfers to the Gulf.

The coming months are likely to determine whether the F-35 remains confined to a small circle of trusted partners in the region or becomes part of a broader effort to integrate Saudi Arabia more tightly into a US-led security architecture, despite continuing concerns over governance, human rights and external alignments.