


The assessment, which has not yet been finalised and remains subject to revision before presentation to the United States Congress, marks a startling escalation in Beijing’s nuclear posture. According to US defence officials, the missiles — believed to be solid-fuelled DF-31 ICBMs — have been put in place in at least three silo complexes near China’s northern border with Mongolia. These facilities were previously known to exist, but until now there has been no indication as to how many, if any, of the silos were fully armed.
For decades, China’s nuclear arsenal was small and restrained by comparison with the vast stockpiles of the United States and Russia. But in recent years the People’s Republic has been rapidly expanding its capabilities, constructing hundreds of new missile silos and modernising delivery systems in what analysts describe as an effort to achieve a credible second-strike capability. Estimates of China’s current nuclear warhead inventory range around 600, with projections that it could exceed 1,000 by the end of the decade.
The significance of the Pentagon’s assessment cannot be overstated. Until recently, China’s ICBM force was considered limited, with much of its deterrent based on mobile launchers and sea-based systems. The apparent decision to arm fixed silos en masse is a signal that Beijing is seeking a more robust and enduring deterrent, one that would complicate any adversary’s calculations in the event of a crisis.
The deployment underscores a broader shift in Chinese military strategy. Beijing has long maintained that its nuclear doctrine is defensive in nature, stressing its commitment to a “no first use” policy and portraying its arsenal as a means of ensuring national security rather than projecting power. Yet the scale and speed of recent developments have raised eyebrows in Washington, allied capitals in Europe and Asia, and among arms control experts worldwide.
In the United States, the report arrives amid a broader debate over strategic arms control. President Donald Trump has publicly expressed interest in negotiating a trilateral nuclear arms reduction pact that would include China alongside the United States and Russia — a leap beyond the bilateral framework that has governed most of the nuclear era. However, the Pentagon’s draft assessment found that Beijing shows “no appetite” for entering such talks at this stage, a finding that will complicate Washington’s diplomatic efforts.
Beijing’s response to reports of the buildup has been characteristically dismissive. Chinese officials have labelled foreign commentary as attempts to “smear and defame” the country’s defence posture, denying any aggressive intent and emphasising that its nuclear strategy remains rooted in self-defence. Beijing has also reiterated its long-standing pledge to avoid the first use of nuclear weapons in any conflict, a stance reasserted even as its capabilities grow.
Notwithstanding official assurances, the apparent rise in deployed ICBMs has reignited anxieties about a renewed nuclear arms race. The 2010 New START treaty between the United States and Russia — which limits the number of deployed strategic nuclear warheads — is due to expire imminently, potentially leaving the two largest nuclear arsenals without an overarching framework of constraints. China’s expanding arsenal, now potentially armed and ready for use, introduces a new and destabilising variable into a landscape that has become ever more perilous.
For allies in the Asia-Pacific, the development reinforces long-held fears about China’s rising assertiveness. The Pentagon report also underscored that China is preparing for the possibility of a conflict over Taiwan, projecting confidence that its conventional forces could prevail in any confrontation before the end of 2027. This, in turn, has prompted calls in Tokyo, Canberra and Taipei for closer security cooperation with the United States and other partners to balance Beijing’s growing military clout.
In Europe, commentators have noted that the resurgence of nuclear capability in Asia adds a layer of complexity to an already fraught security environment. With Russia’s war in Ukraine showing no signs of abating and NATO increasingly stretched to address threats on its eastern flank, China’s strategic advances compel policymakers to think not merely about regional deterrence in the Pacific but about the global implications of a multipolar nuclear order.
Critics argue that the absence of robust arms control mechanisms — once embodied in treaties like the INF Treaty and New START — risks returning the world to a Cold War-era posture of unfettered competition. Without renewed engagement among nuclear powers, the spectre of miscalculation looms larger than at any point in recent memory.
Yet for Beijing, the logic of expansion appears rooted in strategic self-interest. Faced with what it perceives as encirclement by US alliances and burgeoning missile defences, the leadership in Beijing seems determined to build a deterrent that is survivable, credible and capable of dissuading external intervention in its core interests. It is a logic that many strategists on both sides of the Pacific now acknowledge — even if they vehemently disagree with it.
As the Pentagon draft moves closer to finalisation and public release, the world will be watching. Whether nations choose engagement or competition in response to China’s burgeoning nuclear capability will shape the strategic order for decades to come.
Main Image: By Chinese army – Chinese army website, CC BY 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=174369639
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