


Air Cargo Week, an airfreight industry publication, reported on 9 January that multiple Ilyushin Il-76TD aircraft operated flights between Mineralnye Vody in southern Russia and Tehran between 27 December 2025 and 1 January 2026. It said the flights routed via the Caucasus and avoided NATO-controlled airspace. The publication argued that the “compressed timing”, consistent routing and repeated use of the same aircraft pointed to deliberate, time-critical tasking rather than ad hoc commercial charters.
Air Cargo Week said the pattern matched a military logistics approach: multiple sorties instead of one consolidated movement, allowing payloads to be sequenced and received progressively. It described the Il-76TD as a platform designed for military logistics and suited to carrying dense and outsized loads into airports with limited handling infrastructure, enabling rapid turnaround.
The publication named Rubystar Airways and Aviacon Zitotrans as operators involved in the corridor and said both have long histories of government and defence-related tasking. It said using civilian-registered operators can reduce the visibility associated with uniformed military flights while maintaining access to civil aviation frameworks.
Neither Air Cargo Week nor official sources identified what the aircraft carried. Claims circulating in open reporting suggest a two-way flow: weapons and ammunition to Iran, and valuables—particularly gold—out of the country. Those allegations entered the UK parliamentary record this week.
On 5 January, Tom Tugendhat, a Conservative MP and former security minister, told the House of Commons that MPs were seeing “Russian cargo aircraft landing in Tehran, presumably carrying weapons and ammunition” and that they were hearing “reports of large amounts of gold leaving Iran”. He asked whether the Government could update the House on the reports, which he said suggested “the regime is preparing for life after the fall”.
Hamish Falconer, the Foreign Office minister responsible for the Middle East and North Africa, declined to address the specifics. “For reasons that I am sure the right hon. Gentleman will understand, I am not in a position to give a detailed update on the reports that he alludes to,” he replied.
The wider political backdrop is a new wave of demonstrations that began in late December amid a sharp depreciation of the rial. In the same Commons debate, Falconer said protests had entered a ninth day “following the rapid depreciation of the currency” and urged Iranian authorities to protect access to information and communications.
Reuters reported on 8 and 9 January that Iran experienced a nationwide internet blackout as protests over economic hardship spread, with NetBlocks reporting significant connectivity disruption. The protests had spread from Tehran’s bazaars to multiple cities, with demonstrators chanting against Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and some expressing support for Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s last shah.
It is in this environment that British media reports about an escape plan have gained traction. The Times reported on 4 January, citing an intelligence report shared with the newspaper, that Khamenei has a contingency plan—described as “plan B”—to flee to Moscow with a small circle of aides and family if unrest intensifies and security forces fail to contain it or begin to defect.
Open-source flight tracking has been used by analysts and commentators to argue that the Mineralnye Vody–Tehran corridor is not random. Air Cargo Week’s analysis focused less on any single alleged consignment and more on what it described as a broader method by which sanctioned states move sensitive cargo: prioritising speed and control, accepting higher costs, and choosing routes that limit overflight risk.